“Women Are Not Men”

Women Are Not Men

That was the title of a recent rebroadcast of the Freakonomics podcast, which asks what do Wikipedia edits and murder have in common? Answer: women statistically do them far less frequently than men.  The podcast also explores why women tend to be less competitive than men, why they make less and why they have become less happy.

Here is a description of the episode from the Freakonomics website:

We take a look at the ways in which the gender gap is closing, and the ways in which it’s not. You’ll hear about the gender gap among editors of the world’s biggest encyclopedia, and what a study conducted in Tanzania and India has to say about female-male differences in competition. You’ll also hear about the female happiness paradox and one of the biggest gender gaps out there: crime. Which begs the question: if you’re rooting for women and men to become completely equal, should you root for women to commit more crimes?

Inside the Boston Bombing Investigation

Inside the Boston Bombing Investigation

Yesterday, linked to a This American Life story about an Orlando FBI shooting loosely linked to the Boston Marathon Bombing.  Today, we take you inside the investigation of the investigation of the Boston Bombing.

60 Minutes went “the inside story of the Boston Marathon bombing manhunt.” Here is how the story began:

The two explosions that tore through the Boston Marathon nearly a year ago were like a starting gun on a second race against time. Unknown terrorists were on the loose and they had more bombs. Now, for the first time, you’re going to hear the inside story from the federal investigators who ran the manhunt. They led a taskforce of more than 1,000 federal agents, state police and Boston cops.

Tonight, they will speak of the disturbing evidence that cracked the case and of a debate among the investigators that ultimately led to the dragnet’s violent end. The afternoon of April 15th, the FBI’s man in charge of Boston got a text, “two large explosions near the finish line.” For Special Agent Rick DesLauriers, the marathon became a sprint to catch the killers before they struck again. . . .

 

 

Professor/Alumni Saturday – Stephen Lentz, L ’02

Reform with Results: Why Juvenile Justice Policy is succeeding as Education Policy Falters , Part 1 of 2

Stephen Lentz is an Assistant District Attorney in Luzerne County, Pennsylvania and an Adjunct Instructor of Educational Leadership at Marywood University in Scranton.  Following graduation from Syracuse College of Law in 2002, he taught elementary school for nine years before returning to the legal field as a prosecutor in juvenile delinquency proceedings.

Our nation’s juvenile justice system and its public schools share many of the same goals; mainly, they both seek to create capable and productive adult citizens.  However, despite a litany of overlapping interests and constituencies, policy makers in the two fields have spent the last decade following very divergent paths.  In this first of two parts I will describe some of the national policy trends that have dramatically changed the way public schools operate in this country.  In the next entry, I will contrast controversial developments in education with the remarkable reforms that have occurred in the field of juvenile justice.

When I graduated from the College of Law in 2002, we lived in a dramatically different social and political climate from what exists today.  September 11th was still fresh in everyone’s mind, and No Child Left Behind, George Bush’s sweeping and signature education reform law, passed through Congress with broad bi-partisan support.  It was in that environment that I decided to become a teacher and to postpone, and possibly forgo altogether, a career in law.  While my classmates studied for the bar exam, I moved to the South Bronx and spent the summer training to be an elementary school teacher with the New York City Teaching Fellows.

Those were heady days in education reform, and I believe that in 2002 most educators were on board with many of the core ideals behind No Child Left Behind: that children should learn from “highly qualified” teachers, that testing should provide data that drives instruction, and that underperforming schools should be identified and given the support needed to improve.

For three years I taught elementary school in the South Bronx, followed by two years in Philadelphia, and then four years in rural Tennessee.  Across the arc of this teaching experience, I personally observed the bi-partisan policies of 2002 morph into something completely different by the time I left education in 2011.  Whereas narrow testing data was largely used as a curricular guide in 2002, it regrettably had become the primary determinant of student and teacher success by 2011.

For anyone who is not directly involved with K-12 public education, this might not seem like such a bad thing.  After all, most professions do use data extensively to drive both assessments of work performance, as well strategic decision making.  And as I argued before, it does have its place in teaching.  However, the way student testing is now applied to public education differs enormously with virtually all other professions and their use of data.

Virtually every component of public school curricula is now scripted down to the day so that students can prepare for federally required state exams.  When I first started teaching, “drill and grill” test prep was something that we really only did for a few weeks before the spring exams.  As the years went by though, the drill and grill testing climate transformed the schools where I taught.  It was really hard to see welcoming, child friendly places of learning transformed into largely sterile, imagination free centers of constant test preparation.  I was not alone in my feelings about the effects these changes were having on both my students, as well as the profession.  Nearly every teacher and administrator that I worked with criticized, at least privately, the wide-spread reforms that flew in the face of what anyone who has ever spent time in a classroom knew to be good pedagogy.

I believe, and I think many others do as well, that the purpose of public school in an industrialized democracy is to create productive, educated adults who are able to participate meaningfully in our society.  Our current educational policies are having the opposite effect.  Even if we assume for a moment that it is developmentally appropriate for eight year olds to sit for two to three hours at time for multiple days in a row to take paper-based, written exams, how can we possibly argue that students who struggle within this system are being adequately prepared to become confident and capable adults later on?

By not taking a more holistic view of the many ways that students both struggle and succeed at both school and life, we have created a climate where more students than ever feel that they are not good at what they have been told is the end all and be all of success in our country.  The way our public schools now narrowly define success for both students and teachers is dangerous.  While it may raise student academic standards as measured by testing (more on that in a later post), it only does so at the expense of hampering students who struggle within that system.  It leaves them psychologically damaged and without truly useful skills for the world they will face once they leave school.

It is also important to point out that the laws that created this testing climate.  George W. Bush’s No Child Left Behind and Barack Obama’s Race to the Top apply only to public schools; private schools are basically free to do whatever they want.  The fact that so many politicians send their own children to private schools, where they are not drilled and grilled all year, but are instead exposed to robust curricular offerings that are taught and assessed in a more nuanced manner, really demonstrates that creating capable, confident students is not the end goal of their policies.  If it was, our public school policies would look a lot more like those of private schools.

After nine years of teaching under increasingly dysfunctional policies, I decided to take the bar exam and return to the legal profession.  I was fortunate enough to obtain a clerkship with a senior juvenile delinquency judge in New Jersey, and it was there that I learned first hand about the sweeping reforms and success stories that were taking place nationally in juvenile justice.  In my next piece, I will describe how the juvenile justice system has used a more balanced approach to data to create truly-evidence based programs that benefit not only youthful offenders and their victims, but also our society as a whole.

 

 

14 Year Old Boy Sentenced to a De Facto Life Sentence

“A 70-year sentence imposed upon a 14-year-old is just as cruel and unusual as a sentence of life without parole,” Shimeek’s public defender, Gail Anderson, argued before the Florida court in September. “Mr. Gridine will most likely die in prison.”

Shimeek Gridine was fourteen years old when a Florida state court judge sentenced him to 70 years in prison. Shimeek pled guilty to attempted murder and robbery as an adult. His attorneys are now in the process of appealing this sentence.

The United States Supreme Court has issued decisions in recent years alleviating some of the harsh penalties prescribed to young offenders. For example, in 2005 the Court held that offenders under 18 years old were not eligible for the death penalty (Roper v. Simmons). In 2010 the Court ruled it was also unconstitutional to sentence an offender under 18 years old to life without the possibility of parole in non-murder cases (Grahm v. Florida).

However, the problem in Shimeek’s case is he was sentenced to 70 years without the possibility of parole. Under his current sentence he will remain in prison until well into his 80’s, he essentially received a life sentence… without the label.

While there is certainly something to be said in favor of punishing any individual to the level deemed sufficient to match his or her crime, there seems to be a strong argument against sentencing a teenager to essentially a life term. I certainly do not mean to suggest that offenders under 18 do not commit serious crimes that should be punished accordingly. But I do not agree that a 14 year old boy should receive a de facto life sentence. Structuring punishments in such a way is far too harsh, and arguably is ineffective. One of the main goals behind punishing individuals is the idea that he or she will be rehabilitated through his or her incarceration so that one day they may re-enter society. Punishing a youth to this level does not comport with the goals of punishment in that way. In Shikeem’s case, there is no point to try and re-habilitate him while he is in prison because he now faces living his entire life behind bars for a crime he committed as a teenager.

There has to be a more effective and just way to punish youth for their criminal conduct.

Relevant New York Times Articles can be found here and here.

 

 

New Report Says Syria Responsible for Death, Possible Torture of 11,000

New Report Says Syria Responsible for Death, Possible Torture of 11,000
By
David Kailer
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-25836550
The BBC’s report tracks a report released on the eve of the “biggest diplomatic effort yet to end a three-year conflict that has left more than 100,000 dead and millions displaced”. The convention, commonly known as Geneva II, will convene to discuss resolving the worsening situation in Syria.
The report was comprised with the cooperation of a “defected military police photographer” known as “Caesar”, who was in charge of photographing the dead to assist in producing death certificates and to confirm that executions had been completed. “There could be as many as 50 bodies a day to photograph…” Many of the bodies show signs of beating and emaciation, the consistency over the corpses suggesting to Professor Sir Geoffrey Nice “that the scale and consistency of the killings provided strong evidence of government involvement that could support a criminal prosecution”.
The article also tracks a developing argument over the legitimacy of the report, whether the photographs were actually from within Syria, and whether the report was financed by the country of Qatar, which a spokeman for the Syrian Ministry of Information suggested should completely undermine the findings of the report because of Qatar’s interests in the region.
Marie Harf of the U.S. State Department was quoted as saying, “The situation on the ground is so horrific that we need to get a political transition in place, and we need to get the Assad regime out of power.”
Is American or United Nations intervention appropriate? If so, what form should it take? What concerns would you have about America getting involved in another political struggle abroad?