Sunday Funday: From Russia with Love

Sunday Funday: From Russia with Love

This week, This Daily Show with Jon Stewart sent correspondent Jason Jones to Russia, albeit Moscow, for the Olympic games.  In the first segment, entitled “Jason Jones Live From Sochi-ish – Commie Dearest,” Jones explores Cold War nostalgia.  Here is a description: 

Jason Jones remembers the good old days of drunken nuclear hooliganism between the United States and Soviet Union.  (06:28)

The second segment, titled “Jason Jones Live From Sochi-ish – Behind the Iron Closet, discusses Russian views on gay rights. Here is a description: 

Jason Jones questions Russian citizens about gay rights and finds their opinions compare favorably with American views — of 40 years ago.  (06:39)

Sunday Funday: From Russia with Love

Sunday Funday: From Russia with Love

This week, This Daily Show with Jon Stewart sent correspondent Jason Jones to Russia, albeit Moscow, for the Olympic games.  In the first segment, entitled “Jason Jones Live From Sochi-ish – Commie Dearest,” Jones explores Cold War nostalgia.  Here is a description: 

Jason Jones remembers the good old days of drunken nuclear hooliganism between the United States and Soviet Union.  (06:28)

The second segment, titled “Jason Jones Live From Sochi-ish – Behind the Iron Closet, discusses Russian views on gay rights. Here is a description: 

Jason Jones questions Russian citizens about gay rights and finds their opinions compare favorably with American views — of 40 years ago.  (06:39)

Professor/Alumni Saturday – Stephen Lentz, L ’02

Reform with Results: Why Juvenile Justice Policy is succeeding as Education Policy Falters , Part 1 of 2

Stephen Lentz is an Assistant District Attorney in Luzerne County, Pennsylvania and an Adjunct Instructor of Educational Leadership at Marywood University in Scranton.  Following graduation from Syracuse College of Law in 2002, he taught elementary school for nine years before returning to the legal field as a prosecutor in juvenile delinquency proceedings.

Our nation’s juvenile justice system and its public schools share many of the same goals; mainly, they both seek to create capable and productive adult citizens.  However, despite a litany of overlapping interests and constituencies, policy makers in the two fields have spent the last decade following very divergent paths.  In this first of two parts I will describe some of the national policy trends that have dramatically changed the way public schools operate in this country.  In the next entry, I will contrast controversial developments in education with the remarkable reforms that have occurred in the field of juvenile justice.

When I graduated from the College of Law in 2002, we lived in a dramatically different social and political climate from what exists today.  September 11th was still fresh in everyone’s mind, and No Child Left Behind, George Bush’s sweeping and signature education reform law, passed through Congress with broad bi-partisan support.  It was in that environment that I decided to become a teacher and to postpone, and possibly forgo altogether, a career in law.  While my classmates studied for the bar exam, I moved to the South Bronx and spent the summer training to be an elementary school teacher with the New York City Teaching Fellows.

Those were heady days in education reform, and I believe that in 2002 most educators were on board with many of the core ideals behind No Child Left Behind: that children should learn from “highly qualified” teachers, that testing should provide data that drives instruction, and that underperforming schools should be identified and given the support needed to improve.

For three years I taught elementary school in the South Bronx, followed by two years in Philadelphia, and then four years in rural Tennessee.  Across the arc of this teaching experience, I personally observed the bi-partisan policies of 2002 morph into something completely different by the time I left education in 2011.  Whereas narrow testing data was largely used as a curricular guide in 2002, it regrettably had become the primary determinant of student and teacher success by 2011.

For anyone who is not directly involved with K-12 public education, this might not seem like such a bad thing.  After all, most professions do use data extensively to drive both assessments of work performance, as well strategic decision making.  And as I argued before, it does have its place in teaching.  However, the way student testing is now applied to public education differs enormously with virtually all other professions and their use of data.

Virtually every component of public school curricula is now scripted down to the day so that students can prepare for federally required state exams.  When I first started teaching, “drill and grill” test prep was something that we really only did for a few weeks before the spring exams.  As the years went by though, the drill and grill testing climate transformed the schools where I taught.  It was really hard to see welcoming, child friendly places of learning transformed into largely sterile, imagination free centers of constant test preparation.  I was not alone in my feelings about the effects these changes were having on both my students, as well as the profession.  Nearly every teacher and administrator that I worked with criticized, at least privately, the wide-spread reforms that flew in the face of what anyone who has ever spent time in a classroom knew to be good pedagogy.

I believe, and I think many others do as well, that the purpose of public school in an industrialized democracy is to create productive, educated adults who are able to participate meaningfully in our society.  Our current educational policies are having the opposite effect.  Even if we assume for a moment that it is developmentally appropriate for eight year olds to sit for two to three hours at time for multiple days in a row to take paper-based, written exams, how can we possibly argue that students who struggle within this system are being adequately prepared to become confident and capable adults later on?

By not taking a more holistic view of the many ways that students both struggle and succeed at both school and life, we have created a climate where more students than ever feel that they are not good at what they have been told is the end all and be all of success in our country.  The way our public schools now narrowly define success for both students and teachers is dangerous.  While it may raise student academic standards as measured by testing (more on that in a later post), it only does so at the expense of hampering students who struggle within that system.  It leaves them psychologically damaged and without truly useful skills for the world they will face once they leave school.

It is also important to point out that the laws that created this testing climate.  George W. Bush’s No Child Left Behind and Barack Obama’s Race to the Top apply only to public schools; private schools are basically free to do whatever they want.  The fact that so many politicians send their own children to private schools, where they are not drilled and grilled all year, but are instead exposed to robust curricular offerings that are taught and assessed in a more nuanced manner, really demonstrates that creating capable, confident students is not the end goal of their policies.  If it was, our public school policies would look a lot more like those of private schools.

After nine years of teaching under increasingly dysfunctional policies, I decided to take the bar exam and return to the legal profession.  I was fortunate enough to obtain a clerkship with a senior juvenile delinquency judge in New Jersey, and it was there that I learned first hand about the sweeping reforms and success stories that were taking place nationally in juvenile justice.  In my next piece, I will describe how the juvenile justice system has used a more balanced approach to data to create truly-evidence based programs that benefit not only youthful offenders and their victims, but also our society as a whole.

 

 

Drones Potentially Targeting American Citizens Overseas

Terror Suspect Targeting Debate 

Drones – Targeting Americans  

As you can see, this week’s post actually discusses two articles, both of which tackle issues surrounding the U.S. using drones to target American citizens. The Obama administration, along with the military and national security actors are in “high-level discussions about staging an operation to kill an American citizen involved with al Qaeda and suspected of plotting attacks against the United States.” The senior official who confirmed the discussions refused to provide specifics.

Under current U.S. law, military force cannot be used against an American unless there is “imminent danger and no reasonable prospect of capturing the target.” The action would also require Presidential approval.

The first article concludes by listing Anwar al-Awlaki and Samir Khan, both American citizens who were targeted and killed by a drone strike in 2011. According to the article, Khan, who died in, but was not the target of, the strike, “was behind al Qaeda’s English-language Inspire magazine.”

The second article discusses an American citizen who might be targeted in a drone strike. Because specifics are not given, it is unclear whether the two articles refer to the same individual. The individual mentioned in the second article is “an al Qaeda fighter in Pakistan.”

The article begins by discussing whether a drone strike should be delayed or scrapped in favor of increasing surveillance on the targeted individual in hopes of discovering other terrorist operatives. The article reiterates the Obama administration’s standard that an American would have to pose an imminent threat to the United States and there must be no reasonable prospect of capture before an American can be killed in a drone strike. Because the individual in question is located within Pakistan, the article also lays out a brief discussion concerning the negative impact such a strike would have on U.S.-Pakistani relations.

Farther down in the article, and perhaps most significant, is a quote from former U.S. Attorney General Alberto Gonzales to the effect that “The Obama administration would be justified using drones to kill American terrorists abroad and at home.” This blending of lines is significant. As of yet, drone strikes on American citizens have only publically occurred overseas. That the former top law enforcement officer of the United States embraces drone strikes on Americans at home is significant.

Departing from the article for a moment, this extension of drone jurisdiction seems to raise three separate but important issues. First, what due process rights or concerns are implicated when Americans are targeted for execution on domestic soil? Second, if the “American terrorist” is on American soil, how could the Presidential Administration, Department of Defense, or other National Security bodies ever argue that there is no reasonable prospect of capture, specifically via traditional arrest? Finally, how would the use of drones domestically implicate or violate the Posse Comitatus Act, which forbids deployment of the military within American borders?

In addressing the due process concerns, the article, and Mr. Gonzales, discuss the two-step process of putting an individual on the “kill list” and then executing a specific kill order. According to Gonzales, “the President has the authority – as the commander in chief – once you identify where an ‘enemy combatant’ is, to take action, to take him out on the battlefield like you would any other enemy.” In administrations prior to that of George W. Bush, the notion of America being an active battleground in any war on terror was relatively limited. Gonzales followed by saying that “Due process would be a concern only in designating someone as an “enemy combatant”.

“Asked whether drones might be used to kill Americans who have been determined to be pressing, imminent threats to U.S. safety on U.S. soil, Gonzales said doing so was probable, even though it might worry civil libertarians.”

Given that engaging in acts of or supporting terrorism is a federal crime under the United States Code, why should terrorists on American soil be given fewer rights than any other criminal? Is Gonzales’s analysis of a President’s authority going too far in allowing individuals or small groups to decide people’s fates outside the constitutional and moral bounds traditionally respected in this country?

Economics and Online Dating

Economics and Online Dating

Happy Valentines Day, dear SLACERs! In case your are alone, looking for love this Valentines Day, SLACE has you covered.  I recently listened to a Freakonomics podcast about online dating.  The program discusses how economic principles can improve your online profile. 

Here is a description of the podcast:

The episode is, for the most part, an economist’s guide to dating online. (Yes, we know: sexy!) You’ll hear tips on building the perfect dating profile, and choosing the right site (a “thick market,” like Match.com, or “thin,” like GlutenfreeSingles.com?). You’ll learn what you should lie about, and what you shouldn’t. Also, you’ll learn just how awful a person can be and, if you’re attractive enough, still reel in the dates.

First you’ll hear Stephen Dubner interview Alli Reed, a comedy writer living in Los Angeles, who conducted an experiment of sorts on OkCupid:

REED: I wanted to see if there was a lower limit to how awful a person could be before men would stop messaging her on an online dating site.

So she created a fake profile for a woman she called “AaronCarterFan” (Aaron Carter, for the uninitiated, is the younger brother of a Backstreet Boy.) Reed loaded her profile with despicable traits (see the whole list below) but used photos of a model friend. In the episode, you’ll hear how this works out. (For more, see Reed’s Cracked.com article “Four Things I Learned from the Worst Online Dating Profile Ever.“). . . .

Then you’ll hear from Paul Oyer, a labor economist at Stanford and author of the new book Everything I Ever Needed to Know about Economics I Learned from Online Dating. Oyer hadn’t thought much about online dating until he re-entered the dating scene himself after a long absence and was struck by the parallels between the dating markets and labor markets. If only people approached dating like an economist, he thought, they’d be better off.

One brave soul took the challenge. PJ Vogt, a producer of the public-radio show On The Media and co-host of the podcast TLDR. Vogt opened up his OkCupid profile to let Oyer dissect and, theoretically, improve it. You’ll hear what Vogt had done right, what Oyer thinks was wrong, and what happens when you update your profile, economist-style.

Finally, the economist Justin Wolfers points out one of the most revolutionary benefits of online dating — finding matches in traditionally “thin” markets:

WOLFERS: So I do think it’s a really big deal for young gay and lesbian men and women in otherwise homophobic areas. It’s also a very big deal in the Jewish community. J-Date. All my Jewish friends talk about being under pressure from mum to meet a good Jewish boy or girl, but they don’t happen to be everywhere, but they’re all over J-Date. And I imagine this is true in other ethnic communities. And certainly there are, it’s enormously easy to match on very, very specific sexual preferences.

And since online dating occasionally leads to offline marriage, we’ll look into that topic in next week’s podcast, in the first of a two-parter called “Why Marry?”